A Survey of Survivors of Sexual Violence From Three Canadian Cities

3. Findings

3.1 Demographics

All of the participants in this study were female. Footnote 5 The age of the survivors ranged from 20 to 70 years old and the median age was 44. Most of the participants self-identified as Caucasian (85%, n=97), followed by Aboriginal (4%, n=5), and mixed race (4%, n=4). The remainder of the participants self-identified as Black, South Asian, Arab, and Chinese. Many of the participants were single (38%, n=43), just over one-fifth were married (21%, n=24), and the remainder were dating, in a common-law relationship, separated or divorced. Just under one-fifth of participants indicated that the highest level of education that they completed was elementary school (16%, n=18), while just over one-fifth (22%, n=25) indicated that high school was the highest level of education they completed. Another 22% (n=25) stated that they had completed some university or college, 18% (n=20) had completed university, 16% (n=18) had completed college and 7% (n=8) had received a Masters or PhD. The annual income of more than half of the participants (58%, n=63) was less than $15,000.

3.2 Child Sexual Abuse

Over half (52%, n=59) of the participants in this study reported experiencing both CSA and ASA. In this section and in Section 3.3, the two types of experiences are explored in detail separately; however, in the remainder of the report, the experiences are considered together, unless otherwise specified.

More than three-quarters of the participants (76%, n=87) reported experiencing child sexual abuse. Of those who had experienced CSA, most (80%, n=70) experienced multiple incidents of abuse. The participants reported experiencing CSA between the ages of two and 17 years old and the most common age range at which the participants had experienced CSA was between six and 10 years old. Most of the survivors knew their offender (87%, n=76) and many had been abused by their father, brother, uncle or family friends.

The participants experienced different forms of abuse, from fondling to penetration. More than one-third of participants (36%, n=29) described being threatened orally by the perpetrator and just over one-fifth (21%, n=17) stated that the perpetrator had made oral threats to the safety of others. More than half of participants (54%, n=44) stated that physical force had been used by the perpetrator, and in 21 cases (24%), this force resulted in injury. Six participants (7%) reported that the perpetrator used a weapon during the abuse. In all six of these cases, the offender used a knife or multiple knives. Nine participants reported that they had been given a drug (e.g., alcohol) prior to the commission of the offence.

3.2.1 Reporting Child Sexual Abuse

Among those who experienced CSA, 64% (n=56) did not report their abuse to police or to another individual who then reported the abuse to police. At the time of the interview, no participants were considering reporting the abuse to the police. Some participants chose not to report because they did not have the support of their family, they were afraid of the offender, they did not know they could report or thought they would not be believed. Table 1 below highlights common reasons why participants chose not to report.

Table 1. Common Reasons for Not Reporting Child Sexual Abuse to Police (N = 55 To 56) Footnote 6
Reason for Not Reporting CSA n (%)
No family support 18 (32%)
Did not know they could report 15 (27%)
Fear of the offender 15 (27%)
Thought they would not be believed 12 (21%)
Shame/Embarrassment 11 (20%)
For the sake of the family 10 (18%)
No confidence in the CJS 2 (4%)
Felt there was not enough evidence 2 (4%)
Previous bad reporting experience 2 (4%)

Source: Survey of Survivors of Sexual Violence, 2009

Twenty-six participants (30%) reported the abuse. Footnote 7 Of those who reported, most (69%, n=18) did so because they felt that they needed to take action. Other reasons for reporting included recommendations to report made by family (32%, n=8), counsellors (8%, n=2), or friends (8%, n=2), and the need to release repressed feelings (12%, n=3). The time that participants took to report the abuse ranged from immediately to over 30 years.

3.3 Adult Sexual Assault Footnote 8

Eighty-six participants (75%) reported experiencing adult sexual assault. Of those who stated that they experienced ASA, 54% (n=46) experienced multiple sexual assaults. The participants reported experiencing ASA between the ages of 15 and 61, with the most common age being 18. In 70% of the cases (n=60), the participant indicated that they knew the offender. Many of the offenders were described as intimate partners (33%, n=20), friends (17%, n=10) and acquaintances (17%, n=10).

The participants reported different forms and severity of sexual assault, from fondling to penetration. Just over one-quarter (26%, n=22) of participants stated that they had been orally threatened by the perpetrator and five participants reported that the offender had made such threats about the safety of others (e.g., family and friends). Over two-thirds (67%, n=58) of participants stated that the offender used force during the commission of the offence, which resulted in injury for 45% (n=39) of the participants. Just under one-third (30%, n=26) of the participants required medical attention as a result of their assault.

Sixteen participants (19%) stated that a weapon was used during the commission of the offence, including knives and guns. Seventeen participants (20%) reported that a drug was used in the commission of the offence, including alcohol, drugs, drugs placed in alcoholic beverages and the placement of a cloth on the survivor’s face on which there was a chemical substance.

3.3.1 Reporting Adult Sexual Assault

As was the case with CSA, many participants (59%, n=51) who experienced ASA did not report the incident to the police or have another person report the assault. At the time of the interview, two participants were considering reporting the adult sexual assault to the police. The most common reasons for not reporting the sexual assault were shame and embarrassment; they did not have confidence in the criminal justice system; and fear of the offender. Table 2 below highlights the most common reasons for not reporting.

Table 2. Common Reasons for Not Reporting Adult Sexual Assault to Police (N = 50) Footnote 9
Reason for Not Reporting ASA n (%)
Shame/Embarrassment 18 (36%)
No confidence in the criminal justice system 17 (34%)
Fear of the offender 12 (24%)
Thought they would not be believed 11 (22%)
Other Footnote 10 9 (18%)
For the sake of their family 7 (14%)
Did not know they could report 6 (12%)
No family support 5 (10%)
Previous bad experience 5 (10%)
Felt there was not enough evidence 4 (8%)

Source: Survey of Survivors of Sexual Violence, 2009

Over one-third (36%, n=32) of the participants who experienced ASA reported the assault to police or had another person report the assault. Reasons for reporting included the need to take action, because a family member, friend, or counsellor recommended it, and to address negative feelings. The time it took for participants to report the assault ranged from immediately after the incident to 16 years later.

3.4 Supports

Supports, both natural and professional, play an important role in helping to mitigate the impacts of violent victimization, particularly in cases of sexual violence (Hill 2009). Whether the support was through natural supports, such as family or friends, or professional supports, such as counsellors or medical professionals, some participants stated that they had supportive people in their lives during the time of the abuse or assault. A larger percentage (65%, n=56) of those who stated they experienced ASA indicated that they had supportive individuals in their lives around the time of the assault in comparison to those who indicated that they experienced CSA (28%, n=24). The use of these supports to help mitigate the impacts of the abuse and/or assault is discussed in Section 3.6.

3.5 Emotional and Psychological Effects

The trauma is – I mean, it’s absolutely unbearable.

Participants were asked whether they experienced emotional and/or psychological harm as a result of their experience(s). Every participant who responded to this question stated that she suffered from some form of traumatisation. The participants were also asked to describe, through an open-ended question, the emotional and psychological trauma they experienced. The psychological harm experienced as a result of child sexual abuse was very similar to the harm experienced as a result of adult sexual assault and participants described a number of different emotional and psychological effects.

The participants stated that the effects were ongoing and long-term. The participants described feeling the effects for years after the incident and many indicated that they were still experiencing the effects of the abuse/assault at the time of the interviews.

Depression

…he stole my soul…

The most common psychological and emotional effect of victimization described by participants was that of depression and associated feelings, such as worthlessness, helplessness, powerlessness, sadness, lack of motivation and suicidal ideation. The participants also described feelings of betrayal, devastation, numbness, insecurity and for some who had experienced multiple victimization experiences, re-traumatisation. Many also stated that they became introverted, timid, isolated and withdrawn after their victimization.

A number of participants described suffering from low self-esteem, loss of self-respect and self-identity, and becoming very self-conscious. Many participants described feeling shameful about their bodies and feeling as though their bodies were “bad” in some way. In addition, participants described feelings of betrayal, shock, confusion, disgust and disbelief. It was also very common for participants to describe feelings of guilt, shame, self-blame, humiliation and an overall feeling of degradation. One participant described this feeling:

It just made me feel defiled and dirty and sick and ill - like a piece of garbage.

Trust and Forming Relationships

Participants also described experiencing difficulties with trust after their victimization. For many, this resulted in difficulties forming friendships and connections with others. While some participants indicated that they have difficulties trusting others, some stated that they trust too easily, are easily manipulated and have problems with boundaries. Others indicated that they are afraid of making others angry and have difficulty dealing with those who are angry or upset.

For some participants, difficulty with trust was limited to men. Footnote 11 One participant described her reasons behind this mistrust:

…to trust a man is so hard for me…even now, because I always feel like you know, somebody could just fool me, and I just feel like you know if it happened to me it could happen again…

Many described difficulties in forming healthy relationships with men and problems with intimacy, including sexual intercourse. While some described difficulties in being intimate with men, others stated that they allowed men to do whatever they liked, with some believing that the only way to get attention from men was through sex.

Anxiety, Fear and Stress

Other very common effects described included anxiety, fear and stress. Some participants stated that they suffer from a general feeling of anxiety and nervousness, with some participants indicating that they are easily startled, hyper-vigilant and always worried. A few participants stated that they have difficulty leaving their home. For some, this high level of anxiety led to the feeling of a breakdown. For other participants, their fear was limited to men or to the offender specifically. Flashbacks and panic attacks were also commonly noted, with a few participants stating that they have suffered from a panic disorder and symptoms related to Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder.

It was also common for participants to describe a constant need to feel in control and to have a plan. Some participants stated that they are now hyper-vigilant with their children and fear that their children will be abused and/or assaulted as well.

Physical Reactions

Many participants suffered from physical reactions as a result of the psychological and emotional effects, including: difficulty sleeping, eating, and concentrating, migraines and headaches, night terrors and nightmares, hernias, asthma attacks and memory loss.

Other Reactions

There were a number of other psychological and emotional effects experienced by the participants. Some participants described feeling angry, frustrated and bitter. These feelings were reflected in the way that some participants treated others, with some indicating that they treat others with disrespect, can be defensive, uptight and are generally harsh toward others. A few participants stated that they have thoughts of revenge. In addition, some stated that they are resentful towards men and find it difficult to befriend men.

In addition, some participants stated that they suffered from some serious mental health disorders, including Borderline Personality Disorder, Dissociative Identity Disorder and obsessive compulsive tendencies. It is not clear whether these disorders were present prior to their abuse and/or assault.

Multiple and Ongoing Effects

Although the psychological and emotional effects are described uniquely, the majority of participants described multiple and profound psychological and emotional effects. One participant described the emotional impact as such:

Fear, shame, guilt. Afraid to go out. Afraid to pursue my dreams. Broken relationships. Lack of self-esteem. Lack of worthiness – my whole life.

3.6 Coping Mechanisms 

The participants also described, through an open-ended question, mechanisms that they used to cope with the effects of their trauma. The majority of participants described using multiple approaches to coping, both positive and negative. Of the 79 participants who described the mechanisms they adopted for coping with CSA, 52 (66%) described engaging in both positive and negative coping strategies, while 22 (28%) described engaging in only negative coping strategies and 5 (6%) engaged in only positive coping strategies. Of the 78 participants who described the mechanisms they adopted for coping with ASA, 45 (58%) described engaging in both positive and negative coping strategies, while 22 (28%) described engaging in only positive coping strategies and 12 (15%) engaged in only negative coping strategies. Many of the coping strategies used by those who had experienced CSA were also used among those who experienced ASA.

3.6.1 Positive Coping Strategies

The participants described adopting several positive coping strategies, including emotion-focused coping, activities for taking control, natural and professional supports, religion and spirituality, and volunteering and helping others.

Emotion-Focused Coping

One of the most common forms of coping described by participants was that of emotion-focused coping, which is coping that “involves activities that try to directly change how the victim feels” (Hill 2009, 47). Participants described partaking in several activities to help themselves relax and take their mind off the trauma, including: reading, exercising, education, listening to music, writing in a journal and working. Some participants stated that they sometimes like to spend time with animals, in nature and find water to be relaxing.

Many also stated that they employ different thinking techniques to help take control and reframe their thoughts, such as grounding techniques, positive self-talk and overall positive thinking.

Activities for Taking Control

The participants also described coping strategies focused on taking control of their lives. Many described how they became more independent and stronger as a result of the trauma. Others also stated that they left the situation they were in, either by moving, running away from home or spending time away from home.

In addition, some participants said that they are now aware of the triggers that may lead them to become upset. Others said that they are now much more careful in social situations, will no longer go to bars or are very careful at bars and have taken self-defence courses. Other activities for taking control described by the participants included confronting the offender, planning on reporting, or reporting, the abuse and/or assault and seeking information.

Natural and Professional Supports

Natural supports, including family members, friends, and members of the community (e.g., doctors, elders, priests and sponsors) provided another positive strategy. More survivors of adult sexual assault indicated that they talked to natural supports about their experiences in comparison to those who experienced child sexual abuse.

Many participants also described turning to professionals for support, including counsellors, doctors, psychologists, psychiatrists and support groups. The use of professional supports was just as commonly used as a coping mechanism for those who experienced CSA and ASA. Adults, however, were more likely to indicate that they turned to support organizations, such as shelters, transition homes, crisis lines, recovery programs and sexual assault centres, with many naming the specific sexual assault centres involved in this study. One participant highlighted the benefit she received from a sexual assault centre:

And until I actually called the sexual abuse centre, I didn’t really get at what I really needed to work with, and I just never imagined what a difference it would make to go to a specific trauma therapist. It’s a night and day difference.

Religion and Spirituality

Another coping mechanism identified by survivors was religion, including attending church and prayer, and spirituality more generally. One participant described how spirituality helped her cope with her traumatic experience:

I knew I was going to get through it. I knew there was something that was going to help me get through it and that’s carried me through right to this day.

Volunteering and Helping Others

Some participants began to volunteer their time and help others as a way of coping. Some participants chose to share their experiences with children’s groups and become involved in the community, while others chose to focus on taking care of, and protecting, others.

3.6.2 Negative Coping Strategies

Although many participants used positive approaches to help cope with the abuse and/or assault, negative approaches were also used. The negative coping strategies adopted by the participants included: addictive behaviours, non-suicidal self-harm, suicide attempts, avoidance, denial and isolation, avoiding and seeking attention, aggression and unhealthy relationships.

Addictive Behaviours

The most common negative coping strategy described by survivors of both child sexual abuse and adult sexual assault was addictive behaviour, including the abuse of alcohol, drugs, cigarettes and prescription drugs. Drug and alcohol abuse were particularly prominent as a coping mechanisms, and were just as commonly used among survivors of CSA and ASA. Some participants also struggled with an ongoing cycle of addiction.

Non-Suicidal Self-Harm

In addition to substance misuse, participants also described other forms of non-suicidal self-harm and self-damaging behaviour. Many participants, especially those who experienced CSA, described struggling with an eating disorder. Other examples of self-harm included physically harming oneself through burning or cutting, overeating, inappropriate sexual behaviour at an early age and promiscuity. One participant described her feelings towards engaging in promiscuous behaviour:

…sex had no meaning to me whatsoever…and it was something that if someone wanted it they could just take it so, it didn’t matter, you know?

In addition, some participants stated that they would put themselves in dangerous situations or engage in risk taking behaviour, such as hitchhiking and prostitution.

Suicide Attempts

Some participants also described attempting suicide to cope with their experience. More survivors of CSA described attempting suicide as a coping mechanism than survivors of ASA.

Avoidance, Denial and Isolation

One of the most common forms of coping was that of avoiding thinking about the trauma and blocking out the memories of abuse and/or assault. As one participant described:

I separated myself from it and I compartmentalized it in my brain and I shut that part of my brain off…

Some participants also described repressing the memories and others stated that they would mentally escape to avoid thinking about the abuse and would dissociate or daydream. Some described dissociating during the actual abuse and/or assault incidents themselves, especially those who experienced ongoing abuse and/or assaults. 

Denial was another very common coping mechanism. Some participants described rationalizing the abuse, or downplaying the severity of the incident and even trying to laugh it off. Some described changing the story in their mind and lying to themselves and to others. As one participant describes:

A lot of the time I told myself and I told people that it wasn’t an assault. I think that was to make myself feel better; to tell myself that, again, I wasn’t a victim.

Another very common coping mechanism was isolation. Many indicated that they do not socialize, or limit their socialization, with others. Some participants stated that they remain single or do not have relationships with men, and some choose to stay away from men all together. It was also common for participants to cope by being quiet so as to not attract attention. In addition, participants described shutting down, not showing emotion and not allowing themselves to feel emotion. Others described putting up a barrier around themselves:

I kept people at arm’s length and I wouldn’t let them in, because they would probably see something I didn’t want them to see…

Avoiding and Seeking Attention

Although some participants described focusing their attention on others as a positive coping strategy, others used this method as a means of avoiding feeling, and dealing with, their own emotions. Some survivors described focusing on their children and taking care of others to the extent of forgetting about themselves.

Others, conversely, described the need for attention and constantly seeking it through various mechanisms, such as by acting out or rebelling in school, always having a partner, and allowing men to take advantage of them.

Aggression

Some participants described coping through acting aggressively towards others, such as yelling, fighting, or challenging authority.

Unhealthy Relationships

Another coping mechanism was forming unhealthy relationships with men, as well as using men and using sex as a manipulation tool against them.

3.7 The Criminal Justice System 

Participants were also asked about the criminal justice system. First, they were asked how they learn about the criminal justice system and their confidence in it. In addition, there were questions about their own experiences with the criminal justice system including, for those who reported their abuse, how they were kept informed throughout the criminal justice process and, for those whose cases went to trial, the specifics of their trial.

3.7.1 Learning about the Criminal Justice System 

As can be seen in the table below, the participants learn about the criminal justice system through many different sources and formats. The most common sources of information about the criminal justice system included the media, the police and sexual assault centres. In addition to the sources of information listed below, participants also stated that they learn about the criminal justice system through self-learning, school, professional and volunteer work and through word of mouth.

Table 3. Sources of Information About the Criminal Justice System (N = 114) Footnote 12
Source of Information about CJS Number of Participants (n, %)
Media 61 (70%)
Police 57 (50%)
Sexual Assault Centre 53 (47%)
Friends 42 (37%)
Family 39 (34%)
Public Legal Education and Information Material (e.g., pamphlets) 33 (29%)
Psychologist/Psychiatrist/Therapist 22 (20%)
Internet 22 (19%)
Victims Services/Community Services 21 (18%)
Crown/Lawyer 17 (15%)
Doctors/Nurses 17 (15%)
Personal Experience 12 (11%)

Source: Survey of Survivors of Sexual Violence, 2009

3.7.2 Confidence in the Criminal Justice System

The participants were asked to rate their confidence in the police, the court process and the criminal justice system in general. As can be seen from Table 4 below, approximately half of the participants were not confident in the police, while two-thirds were not confident in the court process and the criminal justice system in general.

Table 4. Participants' Level Of Confidence in the Criminal Justice System (N = 114) Footnote 13
  Very Confident Fairly Confident Not Very Confident Not Confident At All Don’t Know
Police 13 (12%) 37 (33%) 37 (33%) 22 (20%) 4 (4%)
Court Process 4 (4%) 17 (15%) 40 (35%) 35 (31%) 17 (15%)
Criminal Justice System in General 5 (4%) 26 (23%) 38 (33%) 36 (32%) 9 (8%)

Source: Survey of Survivors of Sexual Violence, 2009

3.7.3 Staying Informed throughout the Criminal Justice Process 

Overall, 55 participants reported their child sexual abuse or adult sexual assault to police either themselves or through another individual. Of these, thirty-five (64%) participants stated that they were kept informed throughout the criminal justice process. Some participants (34%, n=12) reported receiving information from multiple sources. The most common mechanism through which participants were kept informed was through the police (94%, n=33), including through face-to-face contact, telephone and email. Other sources of information included Crown Prosecutors, victim services, legal aid, the Parole Board, sexual assault centres and a group home.

3.7.4 Trial Information and Disclosure of Third Party Records

Twenty-two of the cases went to trial. Two participants did not know if the case went to trial. There was a conviction in 18 of the cases and a dismissal in the remaining four. In five cases, the defence sought third party records for disclosure. The records sought were doctor’s records, mental health records, education records, counselling records and police records. One participant did not know what kind of record was sought. The records were disclosed in two cases, were not disclosed in two cases and one participant did not know if the record was disclosed. In the cases in which the records were released, partial records were released in one case and full records were released in the other. One participant whose records were disclosed indicated that she was very upset by the disclosure.

3.8 Suggestions 

The participants were asked to provide suggestions for survivors of CSA and ASA, as well as for the criminal justice system, through three open-ended questions. They were asked what those who have experienced sexual assault need to know about the criminal justice system, what they believe is the best way to share this information and how the criminal justice system can better meet the needs of survivors of sexual violence.

3.8.1 What Survivors Need to Know about the Criminal Justice System

First, the participants were asked to indicate what they think individuals who have been sexually assaulted need to know about the criminal justice system. The advice provided by the participants reflected both positive and negative aspects of the criminal justice system.

Some participants stressed that it is important for survivors to know as much as they can about the criminal justice system by asking questions and knowing their rights. They also encouraged survivors to report the incident quickly and to press charges, but also noted that if the survivor does not report the incident right away, he or she can report it at a later time. Many participants also indicated that survivors should know that assistance, such as victim services, is available and that these services are helpful. The participants indicated survivors should know that criminal justice professionals are encouraging and supportive and that going through the criminal justice process can be helpful for healing.

Some participants who had gone through the criminal justice process had unfortunate experiences which led them to perceive that the survivor does not have as many rights as the offender and to believe that some criminal justice professionals are not helpful or sympathetic to survivors. Some survivors indicated that it is easy to get the impression that the justice system works better for those who have money. Some participants also indicated that survivors should be prepared for a lengthy process and to be prepared for an outcome that they may not want. 

3.8.2 Informing Survivors 

The participants were also asked what they think is the best way to share the above information with survivors of sexual assault. The most commonly suggested mechanism for sharing information with survivors of sexual assault was through school counsellors and school programs (e.g., by bringing in a survivor who has gone through the criminal justice system and can describe their experiences), victim services (e.g., via the counsellors who work at the centres) and media (e.g., via a section on the news dedicated to providing this information). Table 5 below presents the suggested mechanisms of sharing information with survivors.

Table 5. Best Way to Share Information With Survivors (N = 111) Footnote 14
Best Way to Share Information Number of Participants
School Programs and Counsellors 43 (39%)
Victim Services and Sexual Assault Centres 39 (35%)
Media 37 (33%)
Pamphlets and Posters 31 (28%)
Medical Clinics 22 (20%)
Libraries and Recreation Centres 20 (18%)
Internet 15 (14%)
Police Offices 14 (13%)
Abuse Hotlines 13 (12%)
Billboards 6 (5%)

Source: Survey of Survivors of Sexual Violence, 2009

N Missing=3

3.8.3 How the Criminal Justice System can Better Meet the Needs of Survivors 

The participants provided a number of suggestions on how the criminal justice system can better meet the needs of survivors of sexual violence. These suggestions reflect three overarching themes: making survivors feel safe and comfortable; providing information and education; and making changes to the criminal justice system as a whole.

3.8.3.1 Making the Survivor Feel Safe and Comfortable

The participants provided many suggestions that reflected the need for survivors to feel safe and comfortable throughout their involvement with the criminal justice system. Within this overarching theme, four subthemes emerged, which are all interconnected: enhancing support for survivors, facilitating the testimony of survivors, treating survivors with respect and educating criminal justice professionals.

Support

I think it’s really important that anyone who has gone through sexual victimization have help, have people that make them feel safe, that really reassure them that it wasn’t their fault, that they have no reason to feel guilty and they feel safe and comfortable and…really, really cared for and listened to.

The above quotation demonstrates the importance of support for survivors. Indeed, one of the most common suggestions provided by the participants was that of more help and support. Many participants indicated that support in all forms, including psychological help, needs to be provided to survivors throughout the entire criminal justice process, including from the time the incident occurs through to the court process and after. In addition, several participants indicated that more services are needed for survivors and that victim services require more funding. Similarly, a number of participants indicated that financial assistance should be provided to survivors, as should free counselling. Many participants also indicated that survivors need more forums where they can share their experiences and concerns. As one participant stated:

…the victim needs to have a voice.

The participants offered a number of other suggestions on how the criminal justice system can provide more support to survivors of sexual violence:

Facilitate Testimony/Trial Process for Survivors

Within the same goal of ensuring that survivors feel safe and comfortable, a number of suggestions were provided to facilitate the testimony/trial process for survivors. These suggestions included:

Treating Survivors with Respect

I think at all times the victim should be given the utmost of respect. If it’s proven, it’s proven…and it isn’t, it isn’t, but by disrespecting the person who was victimized doesn’t prove anything. It should be based on proof. The victim shouldn’t have to be humiliated once more.

Several participants voiced their concern over how survivors are treated by the criminal justice process, especially in the trial setting. Some participants stated that they feel as though the accused has more rights than the survivor and that the system protects the accused before they protect the survivor. In addition, some indicated that survivors are treated as if they are the perpetrator and that they are on trial for the crime. On this point, one participant noted:

…the woman is guilty, she’s just got to prove that she’s innocent – she didn’t commit the crime. So, it’s reversed. It’s backwards, this so-called justice system.

Participants offered a number of suggestions regarding how the justice system can treat the survivor with more respect:

Educating Criminal Justice Professionals

Some participants described feelings of re-victimization as a result of the way they were treated by criminal justice professionals (e.g., judges, lawyers and police). Many participants indicated that they believed that professionals within the criminal justice system, in particular the police, would benefit from training on working with survivors of sexual violence. Some of the elements that participants indicated that these professionals require training on include:

One participant provided some additional elements on which justice professionals should receive training:

…I think they really, truly need to understand there needs to be better education on the side of law enforcement, or on the judicial side, as to why it is so under-reported; why people feel such a sense of shame; why victims will blame themselves or feel responsible […] why people tend to get away with this and why people are reluctant to come forward…

In addition to the above suggestions, other participants suggested that justice professionals should spend more time with front-line workers or others who know about sexual assault and its effects, as well as more one-on-one time with the survivors prior to trials.

3.8.3.2 Information and Education

Another theme that emerged was that of the need for information and education. Several participants indicated that survivors need to be provided with more information, including on victim’s rights, the criminal justice system in general and what to expect from the criminal justice system. Many also indicated that survivors need to be kept updated on the status of their case and that information needs to be provided to the survivor in a timely manner and throughout the entire process, including after the case has finished. One participant suggested that updating the survivor should be mandatory. In addition, the participants indicated that survivors and their families need to be provided with information about the support that is available and where to find these services, including information on how to access financial aid. The participants offered a number of other suggestions on providing information to survivors:

In addition, many participants suggested that children and youth should be provided with education on sexual violence, as well as on the criminal justice system. Indeed, it was suggested that everyone should receive education on sexual violence and what steps one needs to take if assaulted. Other suggestions regarding education included:

3.8.3.3 Changes to the Criminal Justice System

I believe you know that they should really make it a priority to have their cases dealt with as quickly as possible. Because you can’t go forward and put it behind you when it’s not dealt with and it is totally out of your control.

The above quotation highlights one participant’s views on the need for more timely processing by the criminal justice system, which was also a view shared by a number of other participants. In addition, some participants suggested that offenders should receive psychological help to decrease the likelihood of re-offending and that programs that teach offenders about the effects of sexual violence should be established. There were also a number of other suggestions made regarding changes to the criminal justice system:

Balancing the Treatment of the Survivor and the Offender

Many participants expressed frustration with the perceived unfairness between how the survivor and the accused are treated by the criminal justice system. There was a perception among some that survivors are blamed and must cope with the traumatic experiences, while the accused are not punished, or when there is a punishment, it does not reflect the gravity of the crime. One CSA survivor:

Like for me, I have a lifetime sentence. Like this will never leave me, it will always be there. We can only manage to, hope to get through our lives and have a happy and fulfilling life. But I’m forty and I’m still not there yet. So why do these people get no time, or just a little bit of time, when they could steal some money and it’s considered more of a crime. Like what makes us so invaluable that we don’t deserve justice…